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Според сайта на по-високият Total Score значи по-малко свобода. България е лидер по свободност сред земите в преход в региона! Македония е на дъното на класацията - последна както и във всичко останало!
Свободна държава:
Sweden (2005)
Legal Environment: 2
Political Influences: 3
Economic Pressures: 4
Total Score: 9
Status: Free
Legal protections for press freedom date back to the 1766 Freedom of the Press Act. The governing Social Democratic Party announced in December the purchase of insurance to cover court costs for suing media outlets that report false or libelous information about the party or its members. In October, a reporter for the state-owned radio network was barred from broadcasting live for two weeks after expressing on the air his support for U.S. Democratic Party presidential candidate John Kerry. Journalists who investigate extreme right-wing groups are sometimes threatened and even physically attacked by neo-Nazi militants.
Independent media express diverse political and social views. All print media are privately owned. Media ownership is highly concentrated, particularly under regional media conglomerates Bonnier and Modern Times Group. The Swedish Broadcasting Corporation and the Swedish Television Company broadcast weekly radio and television programs in several immigrant languages. The state provides subsidies to support financially struggling newspapers regardless of their political affiliation. The ethnic press is entitled to the same subsidies as the Swedish-language press.
Частично свободни държави:
Bulgaria (2005)
Legal Environment: 10
Political Influences: 13
Economic Pressures: 12
Total Score: 35
Status: Partly Free
Despite constitutional guarantees for freedom of the press, the Bulgarian media landscape is plagued by political control; manipulation of advertising, especially at local and regional levels; and pressures on the press from the government, private owners, and criminal organizations. In September, two journalists were fined for refusing to reveal their source for a controversial article. Libel by a journalist is defined as a criminal offense and is punishable by high fines. According to the European Union, the number of libel cases has increased and the risk of prosecution has led to self-censorship. The Access to Information Program reported problems with accessing information, frequent denials, and unanswered requests, particularly from minorities. The European Commission alleged that weak legislation is hindering the independence of the Council of Electronic Media (CEM), the broadcasting regulatory authority. Members of the CEM, who appoint the directors of Bulgarian National Television (BNT) and Bulgarian National Radio, are chosen partly by the president and partly by the national assembly, which continues to exercise control over the media. In March 2004, the CEM dismissed the director of BNT for mismanagement. Later, this decision was revoked in court, with appeals pending.
In November, representatives from Bulgaria's media signed a new ethics code. State-owned media present a variety of political views, but inefficiency of legislation allows for continued state control. Nongovernmental organizations and media associations describe the situation as risky for freedom of speech. In November, a Romanian journalist was arrested for unauthorized use of a concealed camera in a duty-free shop on the Romanian-Bulgarian border while on assignment for his station. The journalist faced up to three years' imprisonment, but international pressure forced the government to expedite the case, and the journalist was subsequently ordered to pay a fine. Press freedom organizations labeled the arrest a restriction on investigative reporting and a politicized use of an archaic law. A British reporter was also investigated for using a concealed camera as well as "inciting corruption" for a BBC television program. Violence against and harassment of journalists, particularly minority journalists, still exist, mostly the result of organized crime and a climate of impunity fostered by a weak judiciary.
Bulgaria provides a diverse range of independent and private newspapers. The press market is relatively stable, boasting many independent and private dailies and weeklies. However, the German media holding company WAZ, which has established a near monopoly of circulation as well as advertising revenue, dominates the market. Because of business interests of newspaper owners, editorial teams refrain from investigating or commenting on certain problems in the state. Owing to a low subscription base, advertising, particularly government advertising, is the only serious income generator.
Croatia (2005)
Legal Environment: 11
Political Influences: 13
Economic Pressures: 13
Total Score: 37
Status: Partly Free
Freedom of the press is constitutionally protected. Croatian media have gained substantial freedom, and the government has adopted important legal changes in the last few years. A new media law was passed in April 2004 that aims to protect independent media, but a provision stipulates that sanctions can be carried out against journalists who refuse to reveal their sources. Libel remains a criminal offense in Croatia, and two journalists were sentenced to suspended prison sentences for criminal libel during the year. In July, a newspaper editor narrowly escaped a prison sentence for refusing to pay a high fine for libel. Fearing international criticism, the justice minister paid his fine. A large number of libel cases remain unresolved owing to an inefficient judiciary. Implementation of the 2003 Law on the Right to Access Information has been insufficient, and the Croatian Journalists Association reports that access to information deteriorated in 2004.
Government cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) at The Hague and other sensitive political issues are still difficult to cover for state-run and local media outlets. Several reporters were physically attacked this year, and one reporter claimed to have received death threats. There were no arrests for the 2003 shooting of a broadcaster owner and the car bombing of an influential publisher. Two separate incidents involving the harassment of journalists by the Counterintelligence Agency (POA) shocked media organizations. In November, a journalist came forward and stated that she was held against her will, threatened, blackmailed, and interrogated about the president's activities. Earlier in the year, four journalists filed complaints claiming that the POA had conducted surveillance against them and accused them of espionage because the journalists had reported on the whereabouts of an indicted war criminal. After each instance, the POA director was replaced.
Approximately 150 radio stations and 15 television channels operate in Croatia, and 2 out of 3 national television stations are private. However, state-owned Croatian Radio and Television (HRT) is the market leader on the national level, and the state remained the largest media owner. The government does not restrict the foreign press and Internet use, but few Croatians are able to afford these sources of information. The law regulating transparency of media ownership is still not fully implemented, and print media remain susceptible to owners' political and business interests. Most local media are still at least partially owned and financially dependent on local officials. HRT has yet to transform from a state to a public broadcaster, and this year there were reports of government officials attempting to influence HRT's reporting. A cabinet minister threatened to impose a value-added tax on the subscription fee for HRT, and the speaker of the parliament complained about HRT's coverage and threatened to make changes to the law governing HRT.
Serbia [Serbia-Montenegro] (2005)
Legal Environment: 12
Political Influences: 17
Economic Pressures: 11
Total Score: 40
Status: Partly Free
Bosnia-Herzegovina (2005)
Legal Environment: 8
Political Influences: 21
Economic Pressures: 16
Total Score: 45
Status: Partly Free
The constitution and the human rights annex to the Dayton peace accords provide for freedom of the press in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Although defamation and libel were decriminalized in 2003, many individuals and institutions file civil defamation suits asking for excessive compensation. However, the number of these suits decreased in 2004 compared with those of previous years. Many journalists in Bosnia are aligned with particular political interests, and political parties frequently attempt to influence media content. In July, delegates from the Bosnian Croat Party called for a separation of Bosnia's public broadcaster into three channels, one for each regional language (Bosniak, Croatian, and Serbian). The request, however, did not pass the initial reading in the Parliament.
Media outlets that attempt to report objectively are often threatened and/or verbally attacked by various public officials. For example, during local elections several Serb ultranationalist parties in the largely Serbian Republika Srpska accused the editorial board of Nazavisne Novine of working against the interests of their ethnic group, while the vice president of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the ruling Bosniak party, implied that journalists from the federal RTV Sarajevo would be fired if they failed to portray the SDA in a more favorable light. In March, reporters from TV Gorazde filed a complaint against the station's executive, claiming he attempted to limit their free and objective reporting. Serious investigative journalism remains a dangerous activity for Bosnian reporters. In July 2004, an unidentified person detonated a bomb at the house of a well-known journalist in Sarajevo. In September, a reporter was attacked near his home in Banja Luka and threatened with murder if he continued hosting his popular radio show. A month later, a cameraman was badly beaten for trying to record a site where a war crimes suspect had been arrested.
Over 140 radio and 40 television stations operate and many independent, privately owned television stations and newspapers are available throughout the country. Opposition viewpoints are fully reflected. However, journalism continues to be jeopardized by a relatively low standard of professional ethics, a reliance on foreign donations for survival, and the fact that most media outlets appeal only to narrow ethnic constituencies. Another problem for the media has been a growing division in Bosnian society between secularists and religiously oriented segments of the population. The leader of the Bosnian Muslim community, for instance, appealed to Bosnian Muslim business owners to join an advertising boycott against the Sarajevo newsweekly Dani after the magazine had attacked him and the policies of the official Islamic community in the country. A parliamentarian suggested that her party might encourage its supporters to boycott the required television tax if the state-sponsored networks failed to broadcast more Islamic-related programming. Internet access in Bosnia is open and unrestricted; however, only 5 percent of the population subscribes to an Internet service.
Romania (2005)
Legal Environment: 13
Political Influences: 18
Economic Pressures: 16
Total Score: 47
Status: Partly Free
Despite constitutional guarantees for freedom of expression, there is extensive political and economic control of the media, which has led to self-censorship, lack of pluralism, and decreasing media independence. As Romania moves towards European Union (EU) membership, the European Parliament repeatedly called on Romania in 2004 to guarantee press freedom. A new penal code adopted this year and scheduled to take effect in 2005 removed the libel provision from the code, but it remains a criminal offense subject to very high fines. The EU continues to criticize Romania for political interference and lack of independence of the judiciary. In January, a team of journalists and contributors left one of Romania's most prestigious independent weeklies, Dilema, after the parliament ruled that the government should appoint members of the board running the magazine.
The ruling Democratic Socialist Party (PSD), anxious to make a favorable impression on the EU, did not appreciate criticism from the press and has become less willing to provide information to the media. Romanian National Television (RTV) canceled a show known for its coverage of sensitive topics such as shortcomings in Romania's democracy. In October, the Romanian Senate withdrew the accreditation of Romania Libera, a critical opposition newspaper. The Romanian Centre for Investigative Journalism claims that investigative reporting is disappearing in the local press and has declined in the national press. According to the Bucharest-based Media Monitoring Agency, pluralism is lacking and there are frequent attempts to manipulate information within state-owned media, especially the national radio. State-owned broadcasters give little airtime to opposition politicians or critical journalists. In the fall, coverage of the presidential campaign on state-controlled media was manipulated and reports were biased in favor of the PSD. An RTV reporter came forward and accused the station of censorship and conforming to government pressure. In March, a Hungarian journalist known for his right-wing attitude was banned from entering Romania for national security reasons, according to Romanian authorities. In 2003, over a dozen journalists reported being assaulted because of their work, but there were no convictions; instead, threats and physical attacks against journalists continued this year.
Media ownership falls primarily among foreign publishing houses, former politicians, and businessmen, with half of all local television stations being partially owned by ruling party officials and businessmen. Diversity of print media ownership is somewhat better, but individuals with close ties to the PSD control many local newspapers. Journalists at Evenimentul Zilei and Romania Libera, both known to be critical of the government, accused their respective foreign owners, the Swiss Ringier and the German WAZ, of editorial interference after they requested that journalists tone down critical coverage of the government. Ringier and WAZ collectively own three of the top-selling dailies. Foreign publishers say they are pressured to tone down criticisms to secure advertising revenue. Government advertising in the media increased this year to US$8 million, up from US$2 million spent in 2003. The EU issued a critical report in the fall claiming the government writes off debts for some media outlets in return for favorable coverage and uses fear of official audits and punitive taxes as threats against unfavorable coverage. An attempt at a parliamentary motion, introduced without success in October by opposition parties, condemned the government's attempts to control the media. On December 12, Traian Basescu, an outspoken reformer, won the presidential elections and promised to reverse the previous government's treatment of the media and to foster press freedom.
Macedonia (2005)
Legal Environment: 14
Political Influences: 21
Economic Pressures: 16
Total Score: 51
Status: Partly Free
Freedom of expression is guaranteed in the Macedonian constitution; however, media outlets are not fully independent and remain influenced by various political interests. Libel and slander are punishable by imprisonment and fines. One journalist was sentenced to a four-month suspended prison term for libel in April. An investigative reporter for Start magazine was detained for six days for not appearing in court to face libel charges filed against him by a police chief. The Association of Macedonian Journalists attempted unsuccessfully to lobby the government to decriminalize defamation.
Macedonian Radio and Television is the only public broadcaster and it continues to be the main source of news for most of the country; its coverage favors the government. The opposition communicates its views through numerous private broadcast and print media outlets, creating little opportunity for objective, dispassionate reporting. Journalists practice self-censorship in order to cater to the interests of their employers, mainly out of fear of losing their jobs. They are frequently criticized by civil society organizations for their lack of professionalism.
Media are largely aligned with partisan interests and remain divided along ethnic lines. In 2004, the government stopped providing financial support for the press, a move that was strongly contested by print journalists and has already resulted in the closure of several outlets. Macedonia has been fairly accommodating about providing ethnic minorities with media in their own languages. Those media, however, rely largely on international financing. Foreign media, on the other hand, are no longer required to obtain permits from the Ministry of the Interior. The German group WAZ purchased the country's three major dailies. The conglomerate now owns more than 50 percent of the print market in Macedonia, causing concerns over ownership concentration. Internet access is open and unrestricted; however, less than 5 percent of the general public uses online sources of information.
Albania (2005)
Legal Environment: 18
Political Influences: 17
Economic Pressures: 16
Total Score: 51
Status: Partly Free
Press freedom is constitutionally guaranteed in Albania, and the media scene appears vibrant, with 20 dailies, over 40 radio stations, and more than 60 television stations covering a market of 3 million. However, Albania's legal framework remains inadequate, and the judiciary is subject to government pressure. Libel is a criminal offense and carries prison sentences of up to two years. Prime Minister Fatos Nano personally takes newspapers to court. In May, a Tirana court ruled that Nikolle Lesi, chairman of the Christian Democratic Party and publisher of Koha Jone, one of the strongest opposition newspapers, was guilty of libel for implicating Nano in corrupt activities. The London-based media watchdog Article 19 criticized the ruling as politically motivated and in violation of the country's laws and maintained that it threatened press freedom. A month later, the same court convicted another publisher for allegedly defaming Nano.
The independent media are active and diverse but remain vulnerable to government and partisan pressure, and their frequent (and obvious) bias in favor of either the government or the opposition has affected their credibility. Journalists stay clear from sensitive topics, particularly those relating to Nano and the ruling Socialist Party. The state-owned public broadcaster, Albanian Radio and Television (RTSh), focuses its coverage mostly on the government. Physical attacks have decreased, but the government has found new, indirect ways of manipulating the media. The socialist government maintains control of RTSh by appointing members of the broadcast regulatory agency, the National Council on Radio and Television (NCRT). The NCRT chairman resigned in 2004 owing to pressure from broadcasters. In August, the biggest opposition party, the Democratic Party, banned TV station News24 from covering its activities. Several journalists were detained for secretly filming the prime minister. Even though the government does not restrict Internet access, usage is limited primarily to Tirana.
According to a September 2004 report issued by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the main challenge to the Albanian media sector is the growing relationship among politics, business, and media, which undermines press independence. Thanks to decreasing circulation, media have been forced into dependence on advertising purchased by state-owned or partially state-owned companies, which constitutes 60 percent of total advertising revenues. To ensure favorable coverage, the government awards procurement contracts and subsidizes media outlets by leasing state-owned facilities at low prices to media holdings that are less critical. The government's efforts to combat fiscal evasion turned into a means of political intimidation for those who criticize or oppose state policies when the prime minister singled out certain publishers and accused them of tax evasion.
Несвободни държави:
Libya (2005)
Legal Environment: 29
Political Influences: 37
Economic Pressures: 29
Total Score: 95
Status: Not Free
Despite hopes for reform raised in 2004 by the restoration of Libya's diplomatic relations with the United States and by leader Colonel Muammar Qaddafi's promises to improve human rights conditions, Libya remained one of the world's most closed and repressive societies. Freedom of speech is nonexistent in a system in which nearly all independent political activity is illegal and citizens are permitted to express their opinions on sanctioned topics only through state-controlled "basic people's congresses." The penal code stipulates life imprisonment or the death penalty for those convicted of disseminating information that conflicts with the principles of the constitution or the country's "fundamental social structures" or that tarnishes Libya's image abroad. The judiciary is not independent.
All print and broadcast media are government owned, and the expression of opinions contrary to official policy is illegal. The pervasive use of secret police, informants, and arbitrary arrests intimidates citizens from speaking out. Foreign publications are often censored, although Internet access and satellite television, available to a relatively small but growing number of citizens, are reportedly not routinely blocked. In February 2004, the Libyan government allowed Amnesty International to visit the country for the first time since 1988, but a series of disturbing developments during the year illustrated the extreme nature of its intolerance of free expression. In January, the state-run daily newspaper Al Zahf Al Akhdar was shut down for a week for suggesting that Qaddafi should now "build the state and truly become president." In March, peaceful dissident Fathi Al Jahmi, arrested in 2002 after calling for political reforms, was released, only to be beaten and arrested, along with his wife and son, two weeks later after criticizing Qaddafi on two pan-Arab satellite television programs. At year's end, Al Jahmi remained incommunicado, in detention at an undisclosed location. In July, Abu Al Qassem Samidah, former president of the Libyan Press Institute and editor in chief of several Libyan newspapers, was fired for appearing on a talk show on Abu Dhabi TV on which another guest criticized Qaddafi.
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България е по-свободна държава от Македония!
