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1.4. The town’s center (agora) takes an area of two insulae (2200 m2) and is surprisingly large for the small city - the correlation being 1:16,16 as for the Hellenistic towns this correlation ranges from 1:35 up to 1:40 and more.17 These unusual dimensions of the agora (it’s larger than the one in the lower town of Pergam)18 are as if to stress on its nonfunctional character as a market place, proved by the archaeological research.19 The only explanation is, I think, the adoption of alien models in Thrace, a tendency to demonstrate luxury, than any endeavor to construct a functional town center. Although the archaeological research has revealed a second center (?) in the fortified citadel at the so called palace-temple, it’s interesting to find that the agora was the political center as the written treaty testifies: two copies of the inscription should be laid in Seuthopolis: one in the temple of Theoi Megaloi, but the other had to be exhibited on the agora close to the altar of Dionysos (lines 32-34).20 This is the Greek practice of safekeeping the documents, due to the democratic character of political power21, but than how can we explain the same practice in Seuthopolis and Kabyle in Thrace? Does it mean that Kabyle and Seuthopolis were the same as the Greek polises22, or it was an attempt to imitate the Greek model of urban life? The same as was manifested in the urban architecture: the city fortification, the regular set of streets, even the houses are the same as all over the Hellenistic world.23 Today we can only register these tendencies in architecture, in the use of Greek literacy, even the Greek numerals that the citizens had used in their practice;24 as well as the jewellery and the imported goods discovered in city necropolis;25 the imported Greek pottery (amphora tare from Greek exporters),26 but also wheeled Thracian pottery imitating the Greek forms.27 These tendencies we can trace even in the spiritual life of the citizens: a wine cup devoted to Herakles, a popular cult in the Greek world, imitated in Seuthopolis even in the form of the cup itself - a Thracian imitation of Greek cantharos (the so called grey ceramic).28 The same ideas can be traced in the organization of religious life - the votive inscription of Amaistas, son of Medistas, who had been a priest of Dionysos in the past, but was not such at the time when he has devoted a statue to the god on the agora.29 The interpretation of Prof. D. Dimitrov reveals the process of deep changes in religion, when the priests became eligible due to Greek influences.30 But was this cult of Dionysos a Thracian one since the changes in the model took place from the very beginning of Seuthopolis? The other question concerns the model of this change - in the Greek polis the yearly (or for a festive cycle) election of the priests has been a part of the democratic system, but how was it in Thracian Seuthopolis - was the priest elected or someone had nominated him? And whether it was a kind of imitation that has turned into a farce the democratic order of the Greek political system (the name of ex-priest shows him just as one of the ruling family) ,31 or this can be discussed as principal change that had modified the town into a Hellenistic polis in Thrace, and the priests have been elected by the ekklesia?32

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