Верен на задачата си, за която ми плаща Белград, предлагам на вниманието на форума една публикация на позната тема: къде са труповете от геноцида в Косово? Има вече внушителни публикации по темата, но интересен в случая е авторът: бившият главнокомандуващ силите на ООН в Босна, канадският генерал Луис Маккензи. За съжаление нямам време да резюмирам на български, та нека "ония с гайдите" ме извинят! Where have all the bodies gone? by General (retired) LEWIS MacKENZIE As a rule, Western democratic leaders have available to them the very best processed information, referred to by the military and security communities as intelligence, to assist them in making decisions. Unfortunately, that information is frequently highly classified and cannot be shared with the general public for fear of revealing the source and thereby endangering the life of the "spy" or alerting a potential adversary to new high-tech intelligence-gathering systems. Therefore, by default, political leaders have to react to the mood of their public who obtain their "intelligence" from the media. Before the March, 1999, negotiations at Rambouillet, France, presumably convened to seek a diplomatic solution to the civil war being fought at the time between Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic’s security forces and the independence-seeking Kosovo Liberation Army, we were advised by the media that there had been approximately 2,000 people killed in the war between 1998 and March 1999. The number included about 650 Serbs; the remainder were Kosovo Albanians. The numbers seemed believable, and were similar to the total death count from the continuing "troubles" in Northern Ireland. Days before the breakdown of Rambouillet 2 and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s subsequent bombing campaign against the Serb forces in Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, British Prime Minister Tony Blair proclaimed that NATO had to act to save "thousands of innocent men, women and children from death." The U.S. State Department frequently referred to "genocide" in Kosovo – a somewhat surprising description by the American administration, given that Washington refused to use the term genocide when describing the slaughter of more than 500,000 Tutsies and their sympathizers in Rwanda in 1993. Throughout the war, the NATO briefings would remind the assembled media of the appalling death toll being suffered by Kosovo’s Albanian population, and would use this as a justification to continue and intensify the bombing campaign. Scores of Western reporters located in refugee camps in Macedonia and Albania were quick to repeat, verbatim, refugee stories of atrocities and mass murder with no way of verifying their accuracy. Massive forced movement of displaced people by the Serb security forces certainly took place. However, one of NATO’s key stated objectives was to stop the murder of innocent civilians. Early on in the war and seemingly out of nowhere, the figure of 10,000 to 11,000 murdered Kosovo Albanians was mentioned in every NATO briefing. Without this commonly used figure, the alliance’s solidarity could well have crumbled. Forced relocation, particularly in that "neighbourhood," would not have been adequate justification for NATO’s intervention for a significant number of alliance members – France, Germany, Greece and Italy immediately come to mind. Since the war, more than four months of investigation by 15 forensic teams from 15 different nations, including Canada, has many Europeans asking: "Where are the bodies?"

To date, fewer than 500 bodies have been found, and hundreds of those were individually buried – not what you would expect during a mass-murder campaign. Forensic teams have expressed frustration as they follow up specific stories of atrocities and find no evidence at the precise alleged site. Undoubtedly, the site of the best-known and most horrific NATO allegation was the infamous mine at Trepca, where, according to reports shared with the Western media, more than 700 murdered Kosovo Albanians were thrown down the mine shafts and boiled in vats of hydrochloric acid. The ICTY itself investigated this site and found no evidence to support the allegations. There are those who hope that 9,000 more bodies are found so that NATO’s justification of its bombing campaign will be vindicated. I am not one of them. I am delighted that only a small percentage of the original estimates of those murdered are being exhumed. I hope that means 9,000 fewer fellow human beings died than we were led to believe. I would hope NATO agrees. That is the good news. What is extremely disturbing is the thought that the Western public was knowingly misled – lied to – to hold the NATO alliance together and to justify bombing a sovereign nation. This absence of evidence is not a big story in North America, where we have the luxury of putting Kosovo behind us and getting on with life. Not so in Europe, where numerous governments trusted U.S. intelligence. If it transpires that they knowingly sold their citizens a lie or were duped by the United States, NATO solidarity could be seriously jeopardized, with all that implies. Perhaps we should stick to what the alliance does best – defence! Retired Canadian General Lewis MacKenzie reported for Canadian television from Belgrade during four weeks of the NATO bombing campaign. [Reprinted from and copywrite by THE GLOBE AND MAIL, Tuesday, November 9, 1999 COMMENT p. A17]

Statistics alone can't measure the evil in Kosovo Toronto Star F YOU WERE to lay the known dead - the documented dead - of Kosovo, end to end, the necrotic column would stretch about 10,500 feet. Gosh, that's barely two miles of rotting flesh. How could we have gone to (undeclared) war over this? Now . . doesn't that sound just a bit silly? Moreover, doesn't it sound a lot obscene? This is what happens when you try to measure the breadth of evil by applying the hollowness of numerology: divination by numbers. But that is what a faction of apologists for Serbia - aligned however fairly or unfairly with the persistent cooing of the doves - have attempted to do since the United Nations prosecutor investigating war crimes in Kosovo released statistics this past week on bodies exhumed thus far from graves dug during the ethnic cleansing campaign to drive ethnic Albanians out of the Yugoslavian province. I have allotted five feet per victim and defined victim to include any of those poor souls who were clumsily interred by Yugoslavian troops and paramilitary outfits as they herded the (mostly) Muslim and ethnic Albanian Kosovars towards the borders abutting Albania and Macedonia. The Serb apologists - along with a quite vocal group of media dissenters (who enjoy a freedom of expression in the West that would have got them killed if they plied their profession in any part of Yugoslavia) - have been demanding these figures since the conclusion of the NATO campaign against President Slobodan Milosevic and his military forces. Presumably, the Serb defenders - and those who claim to take the high moral road on matters of international rule, rules of invasion admittedly contravened by NATO - coveted these numbers to further promote a retroactive indictment against the worthiness of the military campaign. That's the most charitable view I can proffer. Not enough dead: That's the verdict in some quarters. Not enough corpses to justify military intervention on the scope applied by NATO forces. Of course, had there been no intervention, there would have been a whole lot more bodies, which would have been used as evidence to prove NATO's lack of courage, and the West's uncaring attitude towards a humanitarian crisis. The numbers game is an alarming argument since it operates on the premise that there are degrees of calamity to justify humanitarian - or, for that matter, strategic - intervention. Two thousand dead - murdered - is apparently not enough. After all, genocide against 800,000 mostly ethnic Tutsis in Rwanda couldn't bestir NATO or the United Nations. And that part of the argument - a selective response - would have much merit, had any of the people excoriating NATO now so much as raised a peep about the Rwandans when that disaster was occurring in 1994, rather than as a contrived rationalization long, long after the fact. And these are the facts, as UN prosecutor Carla del Ponte delivered them on Wednesday: 2,108 bodies retrieved from graves in Kosovo, presumably the vast majority of them ethnic Albanians or why else would they have been buried in such a manner? But only 195 of the (known) 529 grave sites in Kosovo have been investigated to this date. A further 11,334 Kosovars have been reported as missing and believed dead - a figure consistent with numbers estimated at the time of the mass expulsion, which began before the bombings and rapidly escalated immediately afterwards, spitefully. Forensic investigators have also reported that, even in cases where the bodies of victims have been burned - think about that, burned - the evidence is consistent with eye-witness accounts to the crimes. Del Ponte, in a briefing for the UN Security Council, further reported: ``This figure does not necessarily reflect the total number of actual victims, because we have discovered evidence of tampering with graves. There are also a significant number of sites where the precise number of bodies cannot be counted.'' The investigative work - tabulating the dead - is being done by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, which is amassing evidence on the extent of war crimes for trials that may - or may never - take place. Consider this: The president of the aforementioned tribunal, Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, also complained to the General Assembly last week that the Serbs continue to obstruct the court's efforts by giving succour and freedom of movement to those suspected war criminals who've already been indicted, much less those under suspicion. The subjects are walking about quite freely in Serbia and also in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a republic that was once a part of Yugoslavia and which is now patrolled by French peacekeepers; peacekeepers who, apparently, have neither the inclination nor the orders to arrest the suspects. For this meekness, McDonald blamed the Security Council - we're back to the United Nations here, that bulwark of international authority, according to the anti-NATO faction - which she accused of lacking the ``will'' to force compliance. The International Criminal Tribunal predates the horrors of Kosovo - it was established by a Security Council resolution in 1993 - and was still trying to address Yugoslavia's war crimes from the three previous wars Milosevic had started in the region before he took a bead on the ethnic Albanians. McDonald is a former U.S. federal judge whose term on the tribunal ends this week, which probably explains her forthrightness when she told the General Assembly: ``It is simply unacceptable that territories have become safe havens for individuals indicted for the most serious offences against humanity. It must be made absolutely clear to such states that this illegal and immoral behaviour will not be tolerated.'' Among war crimes suspects currently believed to be enjoying liberty and protection within the Serbian enclave in Bosnia-Herzegovina are wartime leader Radovan Karadzic and military chief Ratko Mladic. But back to those dead Kosovars: If 2,108 bodies aren't enough, pray then, what would be too many?

Аналайзър, би ли си направил труда да се замислиш над следното: 1/Водеше ли се в Косово война между АОК и югославските сили? 2/С оглед мащабите на военни действия какви би следвало да са жертвите от двете страни? 3/Къде са погребани жертвите от бойните части на АОК? 4/Какви са данните от аутопсиите - т.е дали доказват масови убийства или военни загуби или и двете и в какви съотношения? 5/Какви са доказателствата че едни или други трупове са жертви на югославските сили или на АОК? Много обичаш сравненията с Холокоста. Но хайде да се замислим над нещо друго. Случайно да си спомняш епизода с Катин?

Защо когато се водеха действията против АОК сърбите не пускаха представители на Международния Трибунал? Нали всичко беше чисто? Или и те са "мъже с характер" като онези твои любимци?

Е, сега са там.Питам за доказателства. Защото, доколкото разбирам, дотук става дума за предположения. За презумпция за виновност. П.С. Понеже повдигаш пак въпроса за мъжете с характер, ето нещо любопитно: Rank: SS-Unterscharfuhrer Born: June 29, 1921 Died: ------ Awards: 1939 Iron Cross Second Class (July 20, 1941) Iron Cross First Class (September 24, 1941) Knights Cross of the Iron Cross (October 20, 1941) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Biography Information: Christen was born in 1921 in Wredenhagen, Mecklenburg. He was a gunner with the 2nd Company, SS-Anti-Tank Detachment of the Totenkopf Division. His battery was located north of Lushno and was attacked by Soviet armor on the morning of September 24th, 1941. Christen was the only member of the battery to survive. He stayed at his post until he had destroyed 6 tanks and driven off the Soviet attack single-handedly. He remained in his position alone for the next 2 days, repeatedly driving off Soviet infantry and tank attacks. On September 27 the Soviets were finally driven out of Lushno, and advancing SS soldiers found Christen still at his anti-tank cannon. In 72 hours he had killed 100 Soviet soldiers and knocked out 13 tanks. He was awarded the Knights Cross of the Iron Cross for his actions. __________________________________________________________ Та, дали тоя 20-годишен, тогава, младеж е бил мъж с характер?

Понеже аз много харесвам Ген. Мак Кензи не искам някой да остане с неправилно впечатление за него. Той е най-близкото до национален герой което има Канада в момента. Освен това е и много интересна личност. Достатъчно е да се каже, че сега като пенсиониран се участва в състезания от серията Индикар. И Безродник съвсем си няма представа кого е започнал да цитира т.к. генерала е бил командир на войската на ООН в Сараево, и е написал такава хубава книга, при това в качеството си на очевидец, че на Безродния ще му изпокапят всички доводи за "заговорите" през онези времена. Просто човека винаги разчита че ще срещна по-малко подлост и гнусотия и винаги остава разочарован. Ето една негова статия от 2 февруари в същия Globe and Mail. Да не забравя, Globe and Mail не е някой партиен орган от типа на "Монитор", а се издава от 155 години и държи на името си. Kosovo: Canada's next war? Tuesday, February 2, 1999 LEWIS MacKENZIE Bracebridge, Ont. -- Canada lobbied long, hard and successfully for one of the two-year rotational seats on the United Nations Security Council. Yesterday our UN ambassador, Robert Fowler, began a one-month stint as president of the council. Yet in spite of Canada's well-earned reputation as a loyal supporter of the UN, we are currently ignoring its potential role in resolving the conflict in Kosovo because, to paraphrase the Minister of National Defence, we know the Security Council has some problems with vetoes and things like that. Undoubtedly more than a few countries within the 185 that make up the UN are disappointed and surprised by our somewhat cavalier endorsement of air strikes by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and follow-on ground operations against the sovereign nation of the former Yugoslavia. Considering that such action would be counter to the UN Charter and the norms of international law, I am not surprised. Last February, the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo resorted to violence in an attempt to gain independence from an increasingly repressive Belgrade regime. The West's reaction was to put pressure on Belgrade, culminating in the threat of NATO air strikes in October if President Slobodan Milosevic did not reduce the level of his security forces in Kosovo to pre-crisis levels. This shortsighted ceasefire protocol was an open invitation to the Kosovo Albanians to continue their struggle with increased intensity, as they had a virtual guarantee that if the Serbs reacted disproportionately they would be subjected to NATO attack. The Serbs lived up to their reputation for overreacting, which is an all-too-common characteristic of governments dealing with terrorist organizations. From the Turks dealing with the Kurds, through the Indonesians countering the separatist movement in East Timor, to the Sri Lankan government's battle with the Tamils, national leaders tend to use a very big stick when trying to keep their country together. Most of the time, however, they do it away from the eyes of the media. Not so the Serbs, who have a penchant for displaying their heavy hand to a large viewing audience. The most recent atrocity in Racak, which involved the controversial killing of 45 Kosovo Albanians and was extensively covered by the international media, has spurred NATO to once again threaten military action. Without the requisite debate in Parliament, Canada has pledged support long before many of our allies, including the United States, which has expressed serious reservations about the deployment of ground troops. Some of our government's ministers recently indicated that a discussion held in the House of Commons before last October's deployment of six CF-18 aircraft to Italy, to enforce the ceasefire brokered by U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke, justifies any additional military actions contemplated against the former Yugoslavia. Surely not; the October deployment was part of a package endorsed by the UN and was limited in scope. The current ultimatums to all sides in the conflict are much more complex and could result in acts of war against the former Yugoslavia. To suggest that a serious debate by our elected representatives about the wisdom of such a move is not required indicates a disturbing naivetй when it comes to potentially sacrificing our young men and women in uniform as we try to solve other people's problems by force. Personally, I do not expect that air strikes will be necessary, and I believe that NATO ground forces will be welcomed to Kosovo by President Milosevic. To stay in power he needs to keep Kosovo within Yugoslavia. Without NATO troops on the ground he faces the inevitable loss of the entire province, or at the very least a good part of it. Once again the West has been manoeuvred into saving the career of the Serbian president we love to hate. Retired Canadian major-general Lewis MacKenzie was the first United Nations forces commander in Sarajevo in 1992.

... Without NATO troops on the ground he faces the inevitable loss of the entire province, or at the very least a good part of it ... Дръж ме, че ще падна!

Не този който се сражава смело за да заграби чужда територия, а този който рискува живота си за да помогне на другите. MAJOR GENERAL (RET'D) LEWIS MACKENZIE MSC, CD. A Truro, Nova Scotia native, Major-General Lewis MacKenzie spent thirty-three years in the military, serving nine years in Germany with NATO forces, not to mention his nine peacekeeping tours in six different mission areas -- the Gaza strip, Cyprus, Vietnam, Cairo, Central America and Sarajevo. In 1990 General MacKenzie was appointed the Commander of the United Nations Observer Mission in Central America and in 1992 he was appointed the Chief of Staff of the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia. In May of 1992 he created and assumed command of Sector Sarajevo and, in spite of the war, with a contingent of troops from 31 nations, managed to open the Sarajevo airport for the delivery of humanitarian aid. As a result, General MacKenzie became the only member of the Canadian Forces to be awarded a second Meritorious Service Cross. General MacKenzie retired from the Canadian Forces in March 1993. His book, "Peacekeeper, Road to Sarajevo", a personal account of his peacekeeping experiences, became a number one best seller in September, 1993. A two-hour documentary, "A Soldier’s Peace," based on the book, has aired in over 60 countries and won a New York Film Festival award in 1996." ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ "The widely televised, outspoken Maj. Gen. MacKenzie achieved unprecedented peacekeeping success. Against astounding odds, side-stepping normal channels, he managed to open the airport at Sarajevo on the 28th of June 1992, thereby permitting the delivery of 250 - 300 tons of desperately needed food and medicine into the city everyday. MacKenzie admits that his stint in Bosnia was by far the most dangerous of his peacekeeping missions. (He served in the Gaza Strip, Cyprus, Libya, Vietnam, Cairo, Central America, to name a few.) "People are horrified when I say my time in Bosnia was actually professionally rewarding but to go into a situation where you can use professional military combat skills to try and alleviate the suffering of thousands of victims is, we think, a pretty honourable undertaking.

EMPERORS-CLOTHES.COM September, 25 1999 by Pablo Ordaz, commentary by Jared Israel SPANISH EXPERTS SEE NO SERB GENOCIDE IN KOSOVO The following article from 'El Pais' ('The Country'), a mainstream Spanish magazine, is most important. For months we've been barraged with stories claiming Serbs killed thousands of ethnic Albanians and dumped them in mass graves in Kosovo. Recently I did an internet search for newspaper articles, appearing in the past 90 days, and including the words 'Kosovo' and 'mass grave.' The report came back: 'More than 1000 - too many to list.'I had to limit the search to articles in the NY Times and even then came up with 80, nearly one a day. It has been a giant air balloon of anti-Serbian publicity, but now comes the pin: Spanish forensic experts, just back from NorthernKosovo where, they were told, they would have to inspect the worst Serbian atrocities, found no mass graves and no evidence of torture. We received this article at 11 PM on 9/23 and had a translation the next morning thanks to Herb Foerstal in the U.S. The translation was then checked and cleared for accuracy, again on no notice and within a few hours, thanks to Julio Fernбndez Baraiba in Argentina. Below is the article from El Pais followed by a commentary. EL PAIS by PABLO ORDAZ, Madrid Spanish police and forensic experts have not found proof of Genocide in the North of Kosovo. Prisoners [in the prison in] Istok were shot after the bombardment of NATO. Crimes of War - yes, Genocide - no. This was definitely shown yesterday by the group of Spanish experts formed by officials from the Scientific Police and Civilian Forensics that has just returned from Istok, the Zone in the North of Kosovo under the control of the Legion. {Spanish Legion? - EC} 187 cadavers found and analyzed in 9 villages were buried in individual graves, oriented for the most part toward Mecca out of respect for the religious beliefs of the Albanian Kosovars and without sign of torture. "There were no mass graves. For the most part the Serbs are not as bad as they have been painted," reflected the forensic official Emilio Pйrez Pujo. That was not the only irony. Also questioned were the successive counts that are being offered by the "allies" on the tragedy of Kosovo. "I have been reading the data from UN," said Pйrez Pujol, Director of the Forensic Anatomical Institute of Cartagena. "And they began with 44,000 deaths. Then they lowered it to 22,000. And now they're going with 11,000.I look forward to seeing what the final count will really be." The Spanish Mission which should now submit a report to the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, left from Madrid in the beginning of the month of the August with the feeling that they were going on a road to hell. "They told us that we were going to the worst zone of Kosovo. That we should prepare ourselves to perform more than 2000 autopsies. That we would have to work until the end of November. The result is very different. We only found 187 cadavers and now we are going to return," explained the chief inspector, Juan Lуpez Palafox, responsible for the Office of Anthropology and Scientific Police. The forensic people, as well as the police, applied their experience in Rwanda in order to determine what occurred in Kosovo at least in that section assigned to the Spanish detachment and they were not able to find evidence of genocide. "In the former Yugoslavia," said Lуpez Palafox, "crimes were committed, some no doubt horrible, but they derived from the war. In Rwanda we saw 450 corpses of women and children, one on top of another, all with their heads broken open." The Chief Inspector added that in Kosovo, on the contrary, they had found many isolated corpses. "It gives the IMPRESSION that the Serbs gave a choice to the families to leave their homes. If some member of the clan, for whatever reason, decided to remain, upon returning they were found dead from a shot or by whatever other method." {our emphasis} One of the members of the Spanish mission shed light on events in the Istok prison, bombed at the end of May by NATO planes. The work, directed by Lуpez Palafox and Pйrez Pujol was aimed at solving the following mystery: who killed the more than 100 prisoners - the bombs of NATO or the bullets of Serbian soldiers? The answer, according to the preliminary studies, is clear. Some of the cadavers analyzed had shrapnel wounds and therefore clearly appeared to have been killed by the bombardment. But others died of clear clean bullet wounds, perhaps from the bullets of machine guns. The most likely thesis is that after the bombardment, the prison inmates tried to flee and were shot by Serbian guards. *** Commentary by Jared Israel I've been reading mass grave stories for most of 24 hours. I hope to do a detailed analysis soon. Meanwhile, here are a few observations: * You would expect the stories to be horrifying. What is surprising is that they are so repetitious - using the same phrases - that reading them is exhausting. * The stories are often written in semi-fictional style, as in "A cap lay on the ground, stained red near the back. 'Who knew the Serbs would do this,' asked the gaunt Albanian. There were tears in his eyes." This type of writing produces a suspension of disbelief and makes the reader susceptible to unsubstantiated claims. * Evidence, if any, is anecdotal; sources are vague. * The discovery or even the rumor of a grave is cited (often by some authority figure) as proof of Serbian atrocities. These atrocities are then discussed in great, though entirely speculative, detail. Trial by media. It is enough to make you gaga, especially when you read this 'news' for hours at a time. The mental equivalent of smog. * Arguments are circular. Dead bodies are found. The assumptions are made that: they are Albanians; they are civilians; they were killed by Serbs; the Serbs were soldiers or policemen. These speculations, once uttered, become part of the record, cited in later articles as established fact. The Spanish experts were told they'd find 2000 bodies. They saw 187. Many appear to have died when NATO bombed a prison or afterwards, trying to escape. The only war crime involved here is NATO's. It is a war crime to bomb any non military target, let alone a prison, the ultimate sitting duck. The forensic scientists speculate that the remaining cadavers are of Albanian civilians killed by Serbian troops or police. These people are the only possible victims of war crimes. Here we offer a caution. Every official in a NATO country is under pressure to parrot the NATO line. These Spanish experts nevertheless aired their reservations publicly. Note that when they discuss the individuals with bullet wounds they make clear they are speculating: "It gives the IMPRESSION that the Serbs gave a choice to the families to leave their homes..." {our emphasis} Indeed, how could they know these were Albanians ordered by Serbian police to leave their homes and shot when they refused? As they note, there were no witnesses. In any case, given KLA control of Kosovo, Albanian witnesses are most likely their agents or under their domination - and the KLA is infamous for dealing harshly with those who resist. Lying has been a key part of the secessionist arsenal for the past ten years - a weapon in a battle to win international public support. There are, of course, a lot of dead people in Kosovo. For a year and a half, a fierce war raged between the KLA terrorists and the Yugoslav Army and police. The KLA has had a free hand in Kosovo since early June, plenty of time to move bodies around, dress soldiers as civilians, rehearse pro-KLA 'grieving relatives.' So let's take the 'murdered civilians who resisted' with a big grain of salt. We say this NOT because Serbs are incapable of atrocities, but because the Albanian secessionists have made lying a weapon in the war of ideas and because we support what WAS a pillar of American justice: that a person (moreso a people) is innocent until proven guilty. It is not enough to have guilt asserted in the press, or 'proven' by the unchallenged testimony of interested parties in a polarized society. The attempt to use these false proofs merely proves NATO is trying to railroad the Serbs. When an accusation is made, such as NATO's against the Serbs, there are really two parties "on trial": the accused and also the accuser. For if it can be shown that the accusation is false, then the question arises: did the accuser use this false accusation to hide a crime - perhaps a greater crime - of his own? Let us honor these Spanish scientists and policemen. By denying NATO's charges against the Serbs, they have indicted NATO. They have risked NATO's wrath - and their careers - to tell the truth. Their bravery and decency give one hope.